In Memory of Oeder
by
Gerhard Anton von Halem
Altona 1793"
b. 1752 d. 1819
1770 Doctor of Law at the University of Copenhagen
1775 Assessor
1780 Chancellor's Councillor
Publisher of songbooks
Preface
In Memory of Oederby
Gerhard Anton von Halem
Altona 1793"
Translated by
Ernst Willumsen
Frederiksberg 1985
Translator's Preface.
The name Georg Christian Oeder is primarily known in Denmark for two reasons. He was the creator and, from 1760, the initiator of the publication of the magnificent botanical work "Flora Danica," and from 1769, he was, in writing and speech, one of those who prepared the liberation of the peasants. His other activities were many and varied, but they take a back seat to these two. He did not leave behind any diaries or any form of autobiography upon his death in 1791. However, Gerhard Anton von Halem, who had known him closely since 1773 and worked with him, has set a beautiful memorial for him in his book "Andenken an Oeder." But what is the reason that, almost 200 years after von Halem's book from 1793, I am translating it into Danish?
One of my great-grandmothers was given the name Caroline Mathilde Oeder at her baptism in 1832. This was a clear tribute to the queen whom Georg Christian Oeder so chivalrously defended in 1772. Also, in relation to Count Struensee, he showed considerable courage; for although he likely did not care much for him as a person, he admired Struensee's progressive activities and refused to testify against him during the trial that led to Struensee's conviction and execution. The consequences were - if not catastrophic, then at least highly unpleasant for Oeder himself. By a "distinguished" appointment, he was removed from Denmark to Oldenburg, where he spent the last 18 years of his life. However, he enjoyed the satisfaction there that many of the plans he had outlined for Denmark were implemented to the benefit of the small duchy, where he was held in high regard.
In studying Georg Christian Oeder, I found a not insignificant similarity with my personal interests and certain viewpoints. For example, both Oeder and I have proposed plans for coordinated education and the resulting collaboration on an exchange basis for all of Europe - he in the botanical field in the 1760s, and I in insurance education in the 1950s. Oeder's plan failed at the time, despite many support measures; mine succeeded with help from Swiss, German, and English sides, and it thrives well after more than 25 years.
Life's coincidences have led to, long before my studies of Oeder's life, I first had my daily walk and work for seven years in the Amaliegade pavilion, which belonged to Frederiks Hospital, and where it turns out Oeder lived for about ten years. Next, I have worked daily for 37 years in the Bernstorff Palace, which was built and inhabited by the man who called Oeder to Denmark in 1752 - here Oeder also frequented. Several times over the years, I have visited the house on the corner of Stormgade and Frederiksholms Kanal (then: Kalleboderne 287), where Oeder lived the last three years in Copenhagen.
After my interest in him was aroused, I stood in the church in Ansbach, where he was baptized in 1728, I visited his grandmother's house in Feuchtwangen, where he lived from his third to his ninth year, and the dean's house in the same town, where his father moved in as dean and pastor. In Untere Karspüle opposite the university in Göttingen, I looked at the house where Oeder's admired teacher, Albrecht von Haller, lived and walked in the botanical garden that Haller had established, where he imparted the botanical interest to his students. And I have in the city of Oldenburg, from where Denmark once fetched its royal house, shopped in the supermarket that now lies where Rittergasse 16 once stood, the house where Oeder and von Halem lived together for three years, and looked at the row of houses on Marktplatz, where Oeder lived in one of the houses until his death. In the cemetery outside the city, by the chapel at the far end, stands a monumental gravestone shaped by Wiedewelt, on whose back von Halem has composed a beautiful text, which is now unreadable but fortunately known from Halem's book.
In translating Halem's book, I have sought to some extent to retain the tone of the 18th century without excessively using expressions from that era's Danish. Place names, almost all of which in the book are given in their German form, I have translated as much as possible according to the local name. For the benefit of later readers of the translation, I have inserted section headings in the book's continuous text (168 octavo) and further used these for a detailed table of contents, which actually constitutes a "curriculum vitae." Additionally, besides the book's own notes, not all of which are included, I have formed a few descriptions of people and conditions that the modern reader might find useful.
Finally, I find it appropriate to thank those whose interest, inspiration, and support for my work have given me the desire to undertake the translation work: This includes landscape architect Vibeke Dahl, Hårlev, whose great-grandfather Nicolaj Gotfred Oeder, as an orphan, was raised and educated by my great-great-grandfather, while my great-grandmother was a child in the home. Also, thanks to lecturer, cand. polit. Niels Bolwig, Aarhus, whose connection to the Matthiessen family in Altona made Oeder's only daughter his distant great-aunt. And finally, thanks to chancellor Lizzi Øder, the only one in the circle who still bears the name - albeit spelled in modern Danish.
Last but not least, I thank my wife for her tolerance of my periodic absences from our own century and for her participation in my travels and research - she really has no personal connection to the subject. The translation was completed during some recuperation weeks after a flu at the end of winter.
Frederiksberg, April 1985 Ernst Willumsen
In Memory of Oeder by Halem
"Loquor aytem de homine, cui vivere
fuit cogitare Cic. tusc. V "
Here we are speaking of a man
for whom living was thinking
ALTONA
BEY JOHANN FRIEDRICH HAMMERICH
1793
Introduction
It is my intention to look back upon the career of a man—a man through whose efforts human knowledge and understanding have been increased in several fields—a man whose work has brought greater happiness to a large segment of the population—a man who is worthy of being called: a benefactor of the human race. Who would not gladly linger with me at the grave of this noble person? My reason for weaving a wreath around the deceased's urn lies in the long-standing friendship that bound me to him. It also lies in my possession of some personal written notes from the deceased, and in the trust that his worthy widow has shown me by encouraging me to undertake this task. To her—first of all—I dedicate these pages.Parents, Birth, Childhood
Georg Christian Oeder, Edler von Oeder, was the third son of Georg Ludwig Oeder, Doctor of Theology and Dean in Feuchtwangen in the principality of Onolzbach. His mother was Margrete Sybille, née Hamberger. He was born on February 3, 1728, in the town of Ansbach, where his father was then serving as the vice-principal of the gymnasium. When he was just three years old, his righteous grandmother, who had been widowed after the dean's passing, took him in at Feuchtwangen and raised him until he was nine years old, when his father assumed the deanship in Feuchtwangen and took his son back. Initially, he allowed him to partake in the public instruction at the local Latin school. However, from the age of twelve, his father took over his son's education, which already revealed his fondness for mathematics, arithmetic, and drawing. By Easter of 1746, he was ready to be admitted to the University of Göttingen.
Göttingen, University
The medical sciences, with their manifold connections to related fields, seemed to exert an immense
attraction on
researchers and immediately became the focus of his academic pursuits from the beginning of his
university career.
Segner was his teacher in mathematics. He attended medical lectures with Richter and Brendel.
However, his most
important teacher was Haller, whose almost daily instruction he benefited from for three years.
Under Haller's guidance,
he also studied botany, and Oeder never missed the botanical excursions organized by his great
teacher for his students.
The association with Haller also fostered his taste for the fine sciences and specifically led him
to the study of the
English language and literature, which retained its appeal for him throughout his life. Richardson
was writing his
masterpiece, "Clarissa," at that time. As the book was printed, it arrived in installments in
Göttingen. Oeder often
recalled in his later years the pleasure with which Haller read it and subsequently discussed it
with his friends,
providing summaries. After the "sleeping draught scene," Haller could not hide his displeasure with
the author. "He has
let her fall," he exclaimed, "and truly, he cannot lift her up again." Nevertheless, Richardson did
lift her up. The
following installment brought the "knife scene," and Haller's admiration for Richardson's genius was
all the greater.
In the autumn of 1749, Oeder received his doctoral degree. The dissertation he prepared and defended
under the
chairmanship of Professor Segner was titled "De derivatione et rivulsione per venesectionem."
Schleswig and the Ericius Family - Meeting with Bernstorff
At the suggestion of his compatriot, Camerer, Oeder then went to Schleswig as a practicing physician.
His access to the
home of State Councillor Ericius, whose sons he had studied with in Göttingen, led to his first
marriage. Count
Schmettau, who was stationed in Schleswig with his regiment as a general at that time, valued the young
man and warmly
recommended him to Count Bernstorff. In 1751, Bernstorff moved to Copenhagen as the Danish Foreign
Minister and Chief
Secretary of the German Chancellery. Bernstorff sought further information from Haller, and—Oeder's
fortune was made.
Bernstorff, who immediately upon forming his remarkable ministry, enhanced it with the renown of several
worthy
scholars, such as Klopstock, Cramer, Berger, and several others, also demonstrated his wisdom in
selecting talents by
appointing Oeder. The assembly of all these men will forever mark the era of Frederick V within the
sciences in
Denmark's history.
Arrival in Copenhagen
The Dissertation
Botanical Institute
At the University of Copenhagen, there was a need for a botanical institute, and Oeder was to be
employed for its
establishment. According to academic laws, a public dissertation was required before appointment to a
professorship.
Oeder chose as the subject of his dissertation the Hallerian theory of irritability, a then-new theory.
According to
experts, his dissertation—"De irritabilitate"—was one of the best on this subject, although Haller was
not completely
satisfied with it. Oeder had his own thoughts on the matter, aligning with Haller yet not merely
following him.
The public defense of the dissertation did not go particularly well. Oeder was not as skilled in
disputation, especially
compared to the contemporary physician in Funen, Dr. Eichel. The defense was so unfavorable that the
government did not
find it advisable to immediately appoint him to the university.
Instead, he was made a royal professor. The botanical institute, established in 1752 at royal expense,
was independent
of the university, and its management was entrusted solely to Oeder under the direction of Count Moltke.
The intention
was for the institute to eventually merge with the university. The mere fact of entrusting a "foreigner"
with this
task—setting aside his inexperience with lecturing—and sidelining the university, all under the direct
protection of the
court, immediately set the university against the new institute and created many opponents for Oeder.
Nevertheless, the endeavor got off to a good start. The botanical garden was established near the
customs house and at
the entrance to the harbor. Collections for a library and a collection of natural history rarities also
began.
Finally, at the beginning of 1754, Oeder was appointed professor of botany at the University of
Copenhagen, and the
following year he embarked on his botanical journeys through the Danish states to collect for "Flora
Danica."
Botanical Journeys - Especially in Norway
He began in Norway, a country he grew very fond of and spoke warmly about whenever the opportunity
arose.
In the first year, 1755, he explored the areas around Christiania and Kongsberg. In 1756, he
traveled through
Gudbrandsdalen, over the Dovre Mountains to Trondheim, and from there over Røros back to
Christiania. The third summer
he was engaged in the diocese of Christiansand (along the coast), on both sides of Lindesnes. He
also passed through the
Heckfjell mountain area and Telemark. In the summer of 1758, he traveled along the coast from
Stavanger, through the
diocese of Bergen to Trondheim; and in the summer of 1759, he explored parts of Nordland to Rana.
Throughout his life, he could not praise enough the modesty, coupled with good-naturedness and
clear, sound reasoning,
that he particularly found among the Norwegian farmers.
The traveling botanist, more than anyone else, has the opportunity to study a nation's psyche,
investigate the
deficiencies in its state, understand the essence of its legal system, trace the sources of its
occupations and their
obstacles, as well as its customs in general—he sees how things present themselves and how to grasp
everything in its
course.
His position as a researcher and scholar gives him access to the houses of the noble and gains him
the trust of learned
individuals in all classes. But his duties also often lead him off the beaten path, requiring him to
seek shelter in the
huts of the impoverished.
For this man, who does not bear any intimidating official mark but seems merely to direct his
attention to the plants in
the field—for him, both the farmer's and the citizen's hearts open without reservation; the poor's
as well as the
rich's; the teacher's as well as the tradesman's; and ultimately, alongside the beautiful knowledge
of plants and
flowers, the observer has acquired the even more beautiful knowledge of human nature.
Socio-economic Reports
Oeder was such an observer. Rousseau, the human researcher, became a plant researcher at the end of his
life. Oeder,
while searching for plants, gained knowledge about people and nations.
But he did not merely acquire this knowledge; he also used it for the good of the state—the state to
which he had
devoted his work.
Regarding his botanical works, which would later be expressed in "Flora," he could only inform his
benefactors,
Bernstorff and Moltke, to a limited extent. Therefore, in addition to this, he also sent them travel
reports and
politico-economic reflections on Norway, which the ministers would have found all the more welcome since
they only knew
the country through the finance departments and their annual accounts, but otherwise were only slightly
informed about
the specific needs of this country.
For example, he described the possibility of improving the healthcare system, grain prices, the
development of
agriculture in mountainous regions, the road network, the benefit of abolishing the Norwegian odel right
(the right of
birth and primogeniture), which weighed down the population as a hindrance to development; he quoted a
Norwegian
farmer's statement that it would not look good in Norway until the forests were cleared (!); he reported
on many
enterprises that deserved the attention and support of Nordic citizens, merchants, and other capable
persons.
Similarly, on one occasion, he referred to an economic report (by Udsterns-Klosterhof) on Norwegian
agriculture and its
improvement, with special reference to tenanted estates, common lands, and clearing practices.
I explicitly mention the specific things about which he wrote and concerning which manuscripts are
before me.
Even if, for the most part, they may be too locally oriented to interest a larger and particularly
German audience, the
Danish-Norwegian patriot, who is thereby made aware of the conditions, may wish to deepen his knowledge
and learn how a
thinker like Oeder assessed the state of his homeland.
Description of Norway - Including Geological Observations
However, Oeder's travel reports also contain sections of general interest and contributions to
philosophical knowledge
about a country.
Allow me to quote a passage:
"In Stavanger county, the diocese of Bergen, and in Nordland, generally along the North Sea, there
are many glaciers or
areas covered with perpetual snow; but in the interior of the country, they are smaller or less
frequent. The
Jostedalsbreen glacier extends through seven parishes in three administrative districts, and comes
as close to the sea
as half a quarter mile at one point. The reason for the presence of these glaciers is not that the
mountains by the sea
are higher than those inland; rather, it is that the sides of the mountains facing the sea
constantly attract mists and
clouds coming from the sea, and 'brecciate'—and due to the high humidity, the snow is brought into a
state between snow
and ice. I was clearly convinced of this when, in the last days of June 1757, I traveled across
Heckfjell and
Langfjellene from ESE to WNW. There was little snow on the east side, but as soon as I reached the
highest point of the
mountain and the road descended again, almost everything was covered with snow."
"Anyone interested in engaging with the many 'cosmo-theories' about the origin of mountains, etc.,
can take the
following circumstance into consideration, which I do not remember having read in other descriptions
of mountains. The
highest mountain peaks in the interior of the country do not present a solid rock formation, but a
'concave' surface,
surrounded by loose fragments or large stones of all shapes and sizes, and by small stones,
boulders, and gravel, to the
extent that footholds cannot be found."
"A breach of an inserted wall can in miniature give an idea of the sight of the peaks."
"These peaks are quite bare, and one can hardly find on them even a handful of a certain type of
alpine plant, although
around the ridge at the foot of such a peak there are plenty of plants. These 'rudera', if I may
term them so, are
certainly not merely the effect of gravity, such as the fall from a steep and projecting cliff. One
can imagine nothing
other than that it has arisen from an internal shaking and an inwardly outward force."
"Anyone who finds pleasure in Alex. Moros' system could easily imagine the peak of Grindfjell in
Valdres as the 'pot' of
a burnt-out volcano, although otherwise I have noticed no trace of a fire, lava, or the like."
"Another curiosity is certain large stones, as large as small houses, which one can see lying
loosely on the mountains
here and there, on surfaces where there are no mountain peaks for the nearest half a mile from which
such a stone could
have rolled."
"In Norway, there is no evidence for the idea that the surface of the sea falls in relation to the
mainland, which is
discussed extensively in Sweden in our time. Gyskø on Sundmør, Tiottøen in Helgeland is mentioned in
old Norse history.
They are still only slightly above the surface of the sea today, and necessarily more elevated if
the Celsian perception
was right. Moreover, in no other country is there better opportunity than Norway to leave a legacy
to posterity, after
all, these disputes can once and for all be resolved. Indeed, in one of the so-called 'deep cracks,'
where the mountains
stand vertically on all sides, for example, inside Lysefjord (in Ry fylke), a line can be drawn on
such a rock wall and
permanently engraved, which will stand undisturbed, connected with changes at ebb and flow and in
different seasons."
"The view one has in the interior of such a bay as Lysefjord is stunning. One can imagine a mountain
seen far out to
sea, cut through in profile. One imagines being at the base of this profile section standing at the
bottom of a deep
canyon. Roughly in this situation, when one leaves the boat to climb the mountain in the fjord, the
cliff walls on the
sides of the deep trench are completely vertical, the water itself is only a few shotgun widths
wide, and the canyon
opening to the sky is not much wider; the edges cannot be seen without lying flat on one's back.
Then comes the darkness
and the roar of the streams rushing down from the cliff walls. It is a terrifying place to stay."
"Well, we have to tear ourselves away to get back to the main purpose of the trip: collecting
plants."
Botanizing Michael and Martin Rössler The creation of Flora Danica
Oeder's companion, Martin Rössler, made on-the-spot drawings of the fresh collected plants. These
drawings were then
engraved in copper by his father, Michael Rössler, resulting in the gradual publication of "Flora
Danica" starting in
the autumn of 1762. Each installment consisted of 60 copper engravings, a work that at the time had few
equals and was
acclaimed by connoisseurs as a true ornament of the century.
(Note: He created ten installments alone. However, many illustrations in the subsequent installments
were also created
by him.)
By 1766, two volumes containing 360 copperplate engravings were completed. In Germany, this work was
esteemed with the
same regard as the works of Natterer, Willes, or Winckelmann. "Früchte Deutschen Bodens"; when such a
work achieves
perfection, what matter is it that it was produced in a foreign land?
Not only did German regions on this side of the Eider River, along the Elbe and Weser rivers, contribute
to the
illustrated plants, but the work was also published in German, Danish, and Latin—completely crafted by
German hands. It
was the fruit of a meticulous naturalist, a researcher who honored both nations, those who educated him
and those who
rewarded him.
The proper way to acquaint oneself with plants is through observation in nature itself. Yet, even when
led there, how
many acquaintances must we forgo simply because we did not find them nearby?
In dried plants, one does not always find nature; their use is also short-lived. Descriptions are not
always sufficient
for a master of the art. It is not easy to transform the "conceived" image into a fantasy and to gather
the scattered
parts of a plant into a whole description.
But a reliable engraving, paired with an accurate description, is a boon for both experts and amateurs.
Through the
description, the engraving speaks, bringing even its smallest, nearly invisible parts to the viewer's
attention. Through
the engraving, the description is embodied and merges into an image.
"Had one," Oeder asserts, "since the invention of printing and copperplates, immediately brought more
illustrations
instead of incomplete descriptions from the beginning, botanists would largely have been spared the
arduous labor they
have had to apply to 'synonymy'. There would have been less reason to complain about the abundance of
names. Knowledge
of plants would have been more widely disseminated, and much more progress would have been made
regarding knowledge of
the utility of plants."
Technique in Copper Engraving
The copper engravings in "Flora Danica" were executed in a somewhat unconventional manner, without
cross-hatching, so
that they could "carry" colors when colored, but they could also stand alone in black ink, which
comprised the majority.
For this reason, the engravings were shaded and meticulously crafted with engraving techniques. The
drawings, even in
the smallest detail, are precise, clean, and pleasing, exhibiting colors of exquisite beauty. The
plants, including
alpine plants, were drawn from specimens in a fresh, vibrant state. This was a rare advantage! However,
it was
necessary, if one aimed to express nature as it appears in reality, to depict the plant in its natural
growth form,
capturing its free stance, full shape, the expression of its diverse parts, and especially the accurate
representation
of the natural product in its habitat. This approach yields a free, comprehensive drawing that not only
outlines the
plant but also conveys its body, substance, and texture!
This is a brief description of what Oeder accomplished through "Flora Danica." It is a work for which
future generations
will remember his name, not only for its local utility or association with specific regions. The Danish
territories span
a vast expanse of land, from the Elbe River to the Arctic Ocean, from the 53rd to the 70th latitude. The
soil varies
immensely, and it is crucial for the abundance of mountain plants, shoreline plants, and marine plants.
Experts have
identified 68 species in the first two volumes that are not found in Linne's "Flora Suecica."
Advanced Botanical Plans - for the Whole of Europe
The Danish "Flora" was intended to encompass four-fifths of English plants and five-sixths of North
German plants. Here,
the actual task expanded beyond the Danish states, aiming to benefit a larger part of northern Europe.
Oeder's grand
plan was for "Flora Danica" to include the European flora from approximately 20 degrees north latitude,
with two or
three more southern floras to be added subsequently. This approach aimed to unify all of Europe into a
botanical
overview, akin to what Zimmermann later accomplished in zoology.
To facilitate easier use by the primary intended country, the government distributed 55 copies within
the Danish states
to trusted individuals. These copies were accessible to any subject who wished to view them and learn
about their own
country's botanical richness.
Alongside the publication of this significant work, Oeder also authored "Einleitung zu der
Kräuterkentniss" in Latin and
German. Scholars appreciated his philosophical spirit evident in this work, admired his thoughtful
writing style, and
praised his modesty, which was demonstrated by his thorough analysis of existing methods before
proposing his own. In
the German edition, he naturally expressed all technical terms in German, reflecting his complete
understanding of the
subject matter and language without being bound by his predecessors.
This work by Oeder received such acclaim abroad that Gouan in Montpellier used it as the basis for his
standard
lectures, and it was similarly esteemed in Edinburgh. In 1765, Oeder was elected as a corresponding
member of the
scientific society in Montpellier, following his earlier membership in the scientific society in
Göttingen.
His final botanical work was a catalog of wild plants associated with "Flora Danica," published in Latin
and German
between 1769 and 1770.
Assessment of Oeder's Scientific and Linguistic Contributions
The descriptions by Oeder are characterized by an art critic, the life physician Filip Gabriel
Hensler
(d. 1805), whose
evaluation I have previously followed, with these words:
"Without throwing around many technical terms, there is so much true philosophy about art therein; so
much distinguished
critical learning is scattered therein; (and yet one could behold nature as it had never been seen
before), so much of
the full, wonderful, and peculiar nature is depicted; the observed is so concentrated and so aptly
expressed in words,
which not infrequently sound new and always felicitously chosen - in this manner has botanical knowledge
entirely gained
thereby."
- "Oeder," thus says this fine critic further, "Oeder has shown the hitherto best method (the Linnaean),
he has used it
and - abandoned it. A witty connoisseur thought that to create an audience for his own works, Oeder
should either have
tied himself (to his predecessors), or he should have raised an outcry against them. But he does not
seem slavishly to
be able to bring himself to graze in others' fields, and he seems to have too much respect for real
merit to indulge in
condemnatory reproach, a method which certain newer botanists had actually adopted as their "tone,"
although they
constantly reached for Linnaeus's crutch.
Taking a middle ground, he made great strides towards a natural system, actually bringing it closer than
any of his
predecessors."
Encouraged by ministers Bernstorff and Moltke, he continued to submit several reports on finances and
other subjects of
political science, and especially after 1760, there arose a desire in him to be applied in areas of this
kind.
Oeder's Reports on Norway's Socioeconomic Situation
Oeder's reports became increasingly significant over time.
He was gradually convinced that in Norway there were fewer issues to pinpoint among the farming
population compared to
the citizens. Agriculture itself had progressed as far as it could alone, and further improvement
could only be expected
through expanding the efforts of civil professions.
"In my opinion," he later stated elsewhere, "Norway is more densely populated than Denmark, when
comparing uncultivated
land in one place with uncultivated land in another. One must have seen Norway and similar
mountainous lands with one's
own eyes to truly imagine how small the cultivated spots constitute."
"When in our Danish territories I find villages named 'towns,' and farmers named 'citizens,' - when
in Norway I observe
the farmers' highly renowned skills in making their household goods, tools, and clothing themselves,
both are proof to
me of a disadvantageous arrangement in both realms. I believe that the 'towns' in Denmark are
deprived of opportunities
for civil professions and urban livelihoods, and that the farmers in Norway should have had towns
with professional
trades closer by."
"The Nordland area begins about 20 miles from Trondheim and extends all the way to Finnmark over a
stretch of 70 to 80
miles. Its population totals nearly 50,000 people. This entire district is tied to trade with the
cities of Bergen and
Trondheim; the greatest commercial connection further extends to the more remote mountainous
regions, with the nearest
areas of Nordland lying 70 miles away, and the farthest 120 to 130 miles. On such a journey, one to
two months of the
short summer are spent, and during this time the country loses several hundred of its best men, who
are so necessary for
agriculture and farming in general."
"The most significant part of Nordland's products consists of fish, a commodity significantly
diminished by delays in
processing and sales procedures, causing prices to rise with each intermediary."
"From both these considerations, the necessity of a city specifically for these Nordland areas
becomes evident.
Simultaneously, this city could become the best seat for Icelandic, Faroese, and Finnmark trade, as
well as a hub for
transshipment trade to Archangelsk."
"Iceland was originally a Norwegian colony. Naturally, the daughter should stick with the mother.
From the Nordland
area, the sea crossing is only half as short as the journey to Copenhagen, which unquestionably lies
too far away to
serve as a transshipment point for Icelandic trade. The trade in Iceland must therefore be made
free, and the island
should no longer be deprived of the advantages that come with free competition. At the very least,
one could first make
some port free and store a small warehouse at the king's expense as a contingency in case of need,
if trade and supplies
do not meet expectations."
"If ever the plan to establish this city in Nordland were to be implemented, in Oeder's opinion, the
area around the
mouths of the rivers Ranen and Wessen would deserve consideration. 'Their arrangement,' he said,
'would essentially cost
nothing other than the will to do so, the removal of obstacles, and allowing people to exploit
nature's gifts to the
best of their knowledge and understanding. Here - as in hundreds of other projects - it is a truth
that a government
without expenses, simply by removing moral and political obstacles, can infinitely more easily
promote human initiative
than through costly support measures."
During the time when the current reigning king ascended the throne (1766), Oeder's political
proposals became more
frequent on the recommendation of Bernstorff.
His considerations extended across various subjects and branches of government administration,
including finances.
The Military Aspect of Contemporary Society
Oeder certainly did not overlook the Danish military establishment.
In a particular memorandum, he criticized the changed measures that had been taken in this area
since 1763, stating
loudly: "The first concern a state must strive for is to base its existence in relation to its
neighbors on its own
internal strength. Any nation large enough to be called a nation can lay claim to this independence.
Nature has
designated the natural border of the Danish state between Trave and Elbe, and this can be defended
with 70 to 80,000 men
- (not with 30,000 as our generals would have us believe).
This strength can be sought within the country's borders - and found.
National forces must be the main concern, with recruited troops only a secondary matter; for with
them, nothing can be
accomplished, no matter how much or how little one rearranges things. If the farming population in
Norway can raise
30,000 soldiers, then the farming population in Denmark and its German territories should
proportionately be able to
provide 45, 40, or at the very least 30,000 men. Educating them depends on the officers' will and
diligence. The example
from the Navy proves the possibility that in the Army, one can just as well rely on one's own
resources. The defense of
the homeland is not too costly, and even though sufficient foreign hands can be obtained and paid
for by Denmark, one
should still use one's own resources in the kingdom. A major flaw in the previous organization of
the national army lies
in the fact that the officers who have once been appointed to the army settle there for a lifetime,
instead of service
in the army being a path to promotion, something the officers in the national army had considered to
be a matter of
course.....etc."
However, Oeder also felt, and he expressed it already in this treatise, that the situation of the
Danish farmer would be
a significant obstacle to such an arrangement.
The State and Development of the Peasant Class
The investigation into the situation of the peasant class and the means for its improvement aroused
general attention at
that time.
Oeder's merit shines brightest here, and the matter itself is so important for any true friend of
humanity that it is a
pleasing duty for the biographer to shed light on the secret of injustice, namely that the peasant class
had been
deprived of the intended improvement for so long.
To form a clear idea of the state of peasants in Denmark, one must distinguish between three different
periods.
The first lengthy period lasts until the change of government under Frederik III (1660), during which
the people were
subjugated by the aristocrats, who faced insufficient resistance, and where the peasant's son was also
bound to his
birthplace.
The second period extends from this change of government until 1702, when Frederik IV abolished
Vornedskabet (a form of
serfdom), in order to - as stated in the ordinance - "create greater desire, courage, and interest in
work, and thereby
create greater initiative, so that when they saw that they and their children could in the future
possess the land for
which they worked, they could find greater encouragement to risk their lives for king and country."
The third period extends from this ordinance up to the present day; a period that confirmed the truth
that even the most
well-intentioned ordinances remain without effect, and indeed often become harmful, when the state and
people were not
sufficiently prepared through preliminary measures to accept the benefits intended and planned for them.
According to
Frederik IV's beautiful ordinance, the peasant was to be free; however, this presupposed that the
peasant felt happy on
his land, and that the excellent prosperity bound him through his own choice to his homeland. But how
could the peasant
have this feeling of prosperity?
Agriculture found itself in the most miserable condition. The land burdened with taxes had no value, and
to avoid the
unbearable weight of taxes, entire farms were handed over to the king. The sons of peasants left their
father's farm and
their birthplace and went where their incentive led them. Naturally, this had a detrimental effect on
the country's
defense. A significant departure from the Landmilits (peasant militia) was noted, which was further
increased by the
worsening of the land soldier's service, as officers arbitrarily handed over the land soldiers to
recruited regiments.
Complaints about these coercive measures reached the ears of Christian VI. He wanted to do good and
completely abolished
the Landmilits in 1730. He believed that now every man in the realm would appreciate his happiness more
and feel more
encouraged to defend the fatherland. But precisely because this "happiness" was lacking, the consequence
of the
abolition was that the Danish peasant more frequently abandoned the plow, farms lay deserted, and the
country was
deprived of its strong army.
Already in 1731, Christian found himself compelled to re-establish the Landmilits.
A series of ordinances followed, which determined the length of service, until finally, the ordinance of
April 13, 1764
established the landlord's right over his people in such a way that from the end of their fourth year of
childhood until
their fortieth year, the peasants were subject to the law.
In this way, the freedom intended for the peasant class by Frederik IV was annulled. For who can be
called free when
from the fourth year of childhood to the fortieth year, one is bound to one's birthplace - that is,
throughout the
period when a person should settle?
It is clear that an improvement in the prosperity of the peasants is the great condition for freedom.
But how this
prosperity could be most effectively promoted and reconciled with the interests of landlords and the
defense condition
of the state was the great problem that divided opinions in the decades when Oeder traveled the royal
lands as a
botanist.
(Note: Compare Etatsråd Thyge Rothe's "The Danish Peasant," of which an interesting excerpt is published
in Kielischer
Magazin, pages 111 and 194, Volume 2.
As a preface, Arthur Young's true words serve: "Often one writes thick books filled with good advice for
agriculture,
where one should rather engage in political principles. To tell how to cultivate turnips, cabbage,
carrots, alfalfa,
clover, and other similar products in England with the finest advantage, and to report it to farmers who
with their
stock must pay for France's farmer's tax, which requires them to deliver every tenth piece of their
products - to tell
it to farmers in a country where export of products is prohibited but where import is allowed, or where
poverty is so
great that the farmer cannot find a market for his goods; what are all these good advices other than
frivolous mockery
of quite ordinary human reason!)
Count Moltke prompted Oeder, whom he considered a thinker because of his other writings, to also bring
this problem to
light. Oeder did so with his usual acumen and boldness.
Reflection on Peasant Freedom and Property, 1769
His "Reflection on the Question: How Freedom and Property Could be Secured for the Peasant Class in
Countries Where Both
are Lacking" (Bedenken über die Frage, wie dem Bauerstande Freyheit und Eigenthum in den Ländern, wo
ihn
beides fehlet,
verschafft werden können?) has, according to what both friend and foe must admit, created an epoch
and
paved the way for
subsequent investigations, for which the Danish peasant in the following centuries can thank for his
greater prosperity.
"One must," says Oeder, "arm oneself with strict impartiality so that in the discussion of this
problem
one can pave the
way between contrasting opinions. On one side, the despotism of the landlords - those who fight for
the
pleasure of
ruling over their fellow citizens as if it were a 'majestic right,' in anxious concern that the
peasant
class will gain
something at their expense; outdated prejudices that believe no other condition is possible than the
once established
one.
On the other side: unreasonable reproaches against the landlords as a whole, as if it were their
resistance hindering
any good; devout wishes without knowing where the real faults lie, an impatience that wishes to enforce
everything by
force and not give considerations time to mature."
His opinion on the matter itself was that the condition where the peasant cultivates his own land is
preferable to the
previous one where he works without owning anything and with restricted freedom.
"Therefore," he said, "I believe that the state of agriculture in a nation will be best where the land
is completely
divided into plots no larger than can be tended by their occupant without serfdom; where each occupant
can regard such a
plot as his property and treat it accordingly; and where the rights of the higher estates are limited to
specific taxes
on these plots. Depending on how far or near a state deviates from this condition, it will become less
advantageous,
perhaps even harmful.
From this described state, a larger population grows, and with this population, all the happy
consequences thereof
develop:
The development of civil professions, a more secure defense - and a reputation and power built upon both
of these
circumstances for the state. I also find it possible to achieve this desired state in any nation where
the presence of
large estates might obstruct it, through a dissolution of these estates, without loss for the owners of
such estates,
neither in terms of power and honor, nor income or future security - but not through mandates and
coercion - in general,
only gradually, little by little. Therefore, I would advise the sovereign himself, owning rural
properties in such a
state, in his capacity as 'landlord,' to pave the way for a written regulation on serfdom (through his
recommendation
thereof), and in his capacity as estate owner for his rural properties himself to set an example."
"The population," he further states, "must begin with the rural population, which constitutes
three-quarters of the
Danish nation. The peasant has a remarkable inclination to bring children into the world who can assist
him in
cultivating the land. Colonies rarely thrive and succeed, and factory industries will only replace the
plow - (and not
easily arise) - before the country offers them its surplus, idle hands. Serfdom is harmful and destroys
the peasant
without benefiting the lord very much. The loss of time is always quite considerable with serfdom, and
it is terrible
where serfdom is excessive and arbitrarily imposed. Entire days are deemed worthless, and the peasant
becomes accustomed
to considering them as such. He is used for many things that do not concern agriculture. Hundreds of
things happen at
inconvenient times, and the peasant, who must always be available, is often drawn away from work on his
own fields on
days when it is particularly important for him to tend to them. Nor is the same amount of work ever
performed in the
same amount of time with serfdom as could be accomplished by those same hands, when inspired by the
inclination that
freedom and self-interest provide. The present agriculture is contrary to the development of the
population itself, as
it is based on the principle that as much land as possible should be cultivated with the fewest possible
hands. The
village community makes only half the country into a wasteland."
He repeatedly expresses himself with zeal against the state relying on a standing army, which is always
recruited and
which in case of need will often be insufficient and - at least with regard to its common soldiers -
unreliable.
"Why should the state not rather arm its citizens, who can sustain themselves in peacetime and only in
war become a
burden to the state? Why not consider an institution where they become as skilled in defending their
fatherland as they
are reliable in terms of their will and loyalty?"
Finally, he further elaborates on his proposal to increase prosperity. The landowner should, thus he
advises, himself
maintain a reasonable portion of land and forest - the rest he should lease out to voluntary cultivators
for a ground
rent (land tax) and divide into reasonable plots that a farm laborer could manage. For citizens,
laborers, and others
who voluntarily offer themselves, the lord could then find an opportunity to assign them a piece of
land, and since he
received no purchase price, he should have full security for this. With regard to the land tax, the
prince should exempt
the landowner and keep to the new peasant. He should then set an example on his own Crown Lands; he
could, according to
his powers, forbid arbitrary serfdom and determine the extent of serfdom.
The tax should then be paid in the form of the country's fruit and not in money, as otherwise, in the
course of a few
hundred years, it would not be of any importance.
This is the outline of an essay that, with its clear, firm gaze at the whole, simultaneously reveals its
author's
extraordinary factual mastery and modesty.
"Publication of 'Reflection...' in German and Danish"
The "Reflection" was originally not intended for printing, but Oeder's reasonable expectation
(according
to Moltke's
initial statement) was that he himself would present the manuscript to the king (which admittedly
differed from the
later printed text). However, the "Reflection" had not entirely turned out as Moltke had wished. The
minister withdrew,
and Oeder was offered 100 ducats as a gift for his trouble. He felt that this would lead him - not
only
graciously to
decline the gift - but also to now publish the document. In the year 1769, he had it printed, albeit
anonymously, and
dedicated it to the king. (Published in Frankfurt and Leipzig 1769 CE.)
In Germany, where these ideas were already known, the document was received with deserved acclaim. In
Denmark, it caused
a great stir and was translated into the Danish language. (The translator was Berthold Joh. Lodde,
publication year 1769
CE.)
The large landowners were highly dissatisfied. They believed they had a significant interest in
maintaining serfdom.
Their peasants, so to speak, were their servitude and belonged to the state only through them. They
believed that the
abolition of serfdom would dissolve this bond; all sovereignty over the peasants would immediately pass
to the
government, consequently, the structure of agriculture and thus their great influence in governmental
affairs would lose
its strongest support. Now serfdom was praised as the noble's greatest treasure, and it was reiterated
that its
abolition intended nothing but to suppress the nobility and thus the current state of affairs in the
countryside.
Officially, a different tone was adopted. It was hoped that the abolition of the relationship between
landowners and
peasants would be made into an act of defiance against sovereignty.
"The author of the Reflection," it was said, "will concede a freedom that cannot even be conceived in
the freest states.
Only the terms for county, barony, and manor (according to the author's proposal) must cease - then we
will be
completely republican."
This prompted Oeder to write the "Supplement to the Reflection" in 1770, which was subsequently printed
in 1771, and
adorned with the glorious inscription from Pliny: "Verum fatentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam, jam
vero et
provincias." To confess the truth, large estates have ruined Italy, and now the provinces are no better
off).
Oeder considered this supplement, as he has stated several times, his best work. Indeed, this little
book contained - in
addition to many more precise definitions of earlier statements - a closer application of thoughts for
Denmark and a
refutation of some of the objections raised against him.
"It is unreasonable," he says, "to cite the poor economy, stupidity, stubbornness, and disobedience of
the peasants as a
reason to maintain serfdom. It is unjust when the consequences of oppression are blamed on the
oppressed."
Among other things, he turned his gaze towards the other European states and demonstrated that Britain
could best serve
as a model for Denmark and the duchies due to the similar maritime location, similar nature of the land
with a slight
difference in climate, and similar socio-economic foundation based on agriculture and cattle breeding.
"Without serfdom and without manors, England is in a flourishing state. It has a respected and wealthy
nobility that
lives in splendor and enjoyment from their estates. All this is known to each of us, and yet it is
incessantly asked:
What will become of the nobility when the manors are abolished?" etc. (Note: Review in a Hamburg journal
1771: "The
critique contains excellent remarks and must stem from a very knowledgeable man. (I wrote this because I
considered
court physician Hensler to be the author.))
"Folk Census of 1769, Edited by Oeder"
However, enough about this topic. I will now turn to another task that Oeder was assigned at the
beginning of the year
1770. On August 15, 1769, a general census took place in all the royal states of Europe. The lists
obtained thereby were
handed over to Oeder by the Rentekammeret (Revenue Chamber) on April 18, 1770, according to royal
command, so that he
could extract the results from these lists, make observations on them, and present a plan for organizing
future
censuses. The processing of the lists was so laborious, and Oeder soon became involved in so many other
activities, that
he could only present the results to the Rentekammeret in the year 1772. Since this report, equally
important for Danish
statistics and political arithmetic, has now been printed in Heinze's "Samlung zur Geschichte und
Staatswissenschaft"
(Collection of History and Political Science), Göttingen 1789, the public can also admire the man's
sense of numbers and
his astonishing diligence.
Some of the more significant results are as follows:
The population of the Danish states amounts to a maximum of 2.1 million.
Denmark, consisting mostly of islands, is more densely populated than Schleswig, Schleswig better than
Holstein, but
Oldenburg better than all these regions mentioned.
The population of Denmark and its German territories together has an average of 1305 inhabitants per
square mile... etc.
*) The Danish-Norwegian monarchy
About Lotteries
Among his more candid remarks, his patriotic fervor also targets lotteries: "All good political and
moral reasons," he
says, "unite against this harmful invention, which is a disgrace to human reason. The entire lottery
is in itself a 'jeu
de dupe' (a fool's game), where there is no proportion between the players' significant risk and the
slight probability
of winning for them, and it is the instigator of this great widespread evil that so many ordinary
people are led astray
from rightful paths and means of earning a living, drawn away from diligence and frugality, and
instead filled with the
notion that they can find happiness in idleness without work, a deceitful mindset, and led to crave
'dishonest money.'"
On this occasion, he also addressed (as later described in MUSEUM) the scarcely reliable method of
determining a
country's geographical extent or area through sections and measurement of partial maps.
"The Dissolution of the Botanical Institute"
Even before the year 1770 came to a close, Oeder was relieved of his botanical work due to the
dissolution of the
botanical institute. As early as the last years of Frederik V's reign, there was a plan to transfer
the institute to the
university, with an annual subsidy of 3000 daler from the king's private funds. However, deep-seated
resentment was
strong enough for the university to reject this royal gift. Instead, efforts were made to establish
a new botanical
garden within the university itself, despite the lack of space and internal resources to execute the
plan. By 1770,
there was a proposal to the king for support of this new university institute. Meanwhile, Oeder's
institute had
progressed to the point where the smaller of its two parts, bisected by a road (at the outer end of
Amaliegade), was
fully landscaped and planted. The larger part, closer to Toldboden, required substantial filling and
planting, which was
also underway.
At that time, plans were being made to develop a trading depot in Copenhagen, necessitating
warehouses near Toldboden.
As a result, the larger portion of the botanical garden was considered for this purpose. The
university insisted on
having an entirely new garden and repeatedly declined offers to merge the existing institute in its
current form.
However, they agreed to accept the smaller, fully furnished garden along with a modest annual sum of
300 daler. The
royal treasury thus saved an expense, and commerce gained a location for storage buildings.
Oeder lamented that they were allowing an institute, which he rightfully considered his own, to fall
and thereby bury
him under the ruins of collapsed walls. In response, he was assured that he would be assigned to
other duties.
By a royal resolution on June 9, 1770, the botanical institute was dissolved. Regarding Oeder, it
was stipulated:
- That he, who had managed the institute with distinction to the satisfaction of His Majesty, and
whom His Majesty had
designated for other purposes, should remain in royal service and primarily engage in the "Flora
Danica" project,
retaining his salary as before.
Struensee Emerges
By this time, the later Count Struensee had gained significant esteem, and the current ministry was on the verge of collapse. In June, during the court's visit to Traventhal, this downfall was finally and fully decided.
Vaccination of Cattle
During this time, Oeder was entrusted by the old, faltering ministry, especially the Economic and
Commerce Collegium,
with overseeing experiments on the vaccination of horned cattle, which were ongoing.
The chosen location for these experiments was the small island of Avnø on the southern coast of
Zealand,
twelve miles
from Copenhagen.
On August 1, 1770, Oeder departed for Avnø. After surveying the island and sketching its layout, he
divided it into
specific areas separated by fences and ditches. One enclosure housed healthy cattle before
vaccination;
another
contained cattle immediately after vaccination until the effects were observed; in the same area,
there
were cattle that
had been confirmed cured. The third enclosure was for sick cattle, housed in twenty board huts, each
containing two
animals.
The vaccination followed the method devised by Camper, and a detailed description can be found in "The
History of
Vaccination" by Royal Court Physician Rode and in Oeder's own account, published in MUSEUM.
The first experiment, conducted at the optimal time of year, succeeded with ten out of twelve cattle
being cured.
However, the subsequent seven experiments, particularly those performed later in the year, were less
successful. In one
instance, two out of six cattle were retained; another time, only one out of seven; and once, none out
of eight. Oeder
attributed much of this failure to the advancing season, advising the continuation of experiments for
valid reasons,
despite his reservations about the reliability of vaccination.
Indeed, experiments continued in 1771 and 1772, and according to Rode's information in 1772, only one
out of 160
vaccinated cattle failed.
While Oeder was on Avnø, the major ministerial changes decided upon in Traventhal were implemented in
Copenhagen.
Oeder's keen intellect, business acumen, tireless diligence, distance from intrigue, and integrity were
all qualities
that had endeared him to the old government.
The new government deserves credit for recognizing these rare merits as well. Without his knowledge,
Oeder had been
placed on the list in Traventhal outlining individuals who should be preferably employed.
In a memorandum to the king, Oeder expressed the view that although at the age of 43 he was still young
enough to embark
on a new path in life, it was also high time for him to know the government's intentions regarding his
future tasks and
roles.
Member of the General-College of Agriculture
Bernstorff proposed that Oeder should become a member of the General-Landvæsenskollegiet, and he
secured a royal
resolution appointing Oeder as a commissioner in the collegium.
Bernstorff himself, along with Moltke and Konferensråd Schumacher in his capacity as the
Gehejmekabinetssekretær,
informed Oeder of this development. While awaiting further news on Avnø, Oeder briefly returned to
Copenhagen in
October, coincidentally on the day Bernstorff left the city. From Bernstorff and Schumacher, he
learned that the royal
resolution for his appointment to the General-Landvæsenskollegiet had been presented to the king for
signature twice
already in Traventhal, but the king had deferred signing, stating "there will always be time for
that when we return to
Denmark."
With this somewhat ambiguous consolation, Oeder returned to his cows in the countryside, continuing
his work until
November 12, feeling disheartened and concerned about his future.
At this time, Oeder was unaware of Struensee. The old ministry had fallen, and no one remained
except Schumacher.
By a circular dated October 16, 1770, the king had invited a considerable number of businessmen from
Therefore, on November 12, when Oeder returned to Copenhagen, he first turned to Schumacher. Upon
entering Schumacher's
office, he encountered one of his assistants who was just about to deliver a package intended for
Oeder. It contained
work from the cabinet.
all his
realms—individuals who had all been recommended to him—to submit their thoughts on trade and
commerce.
Schumacher, acting on the king's orders, sent these memoranda to Oeder, urging him not only to
extract from them but
also to accompany these extracts with his own remarks.
This task provided Oeder with both an opportunity and authorization to comment on almost all aspects
of state
administration.
"These my writings," says Oeder in a surviving manuscript, "these my writings, which the commission
investigating
Struensee's papers undoubtedly found and examined alongside others from my hand, I am certainly not
ashamed of; and if
the commission has given Struensee the opportunity to highlight me, then these writings could also
have been useful to
him, and thereby also to the State, insofar as any information directed to a man who holds power in
his hands will also
be useful for the state."
General-Landvæsenskommisionen - Establishment of Serfdom Service in Denmark 1771
On November 19, 1770, Oeder was appointed to the General-Landvæsenskommisionen, which replaced the
General-Landvæsenskollegiet. He remained there until his entry into the Finanskollegiet.
"I have had the pleasure," he wrote, "to work in full agreement with five colleagues, including the
aforementioned
Schumacher. It is well known that I have not been idle, and the public has rather attributed to me a
larger share in
what happened than I can rightfully claim without disregarding my worthy colleagues.
The instruction approved by His Majesty for this commission originated from my hand, and I gladly
accept my modest share
of responsibility for the ordinance of February 20, 1771, regarding the establishment of serfdom
service in Denmark,
which may only appear offensive to those who know no limits to their ambition.
The work in the General-Landvæsenskommisionen and the comments on the merchants' memoranda brought
Oeder into closer
contact with Struensee, through whose hands all affairs were then beginning to flow. Until that
time, his acquaintance
with Struensee was only superficial, extending no further than matters of politeness and etiquette.
In fact, Oeder was
initially reserved towards a man who had governed the very ministry whose client he had been. It was
Schumacher who
instilled more confidence in him.
Appointment to Financial Council
Oeder found himself still in his previous role as a professor of botany. Members of the
Landvæsenskommisionen received
no payment. Oeder desired a final decision regarding his institute and approached Struensee
verbally. Struensee found
his request justified.
"A worker is worthy of his wages," he said, and by cabinet order dated January 5, 1771, Oeder was
appointed to the
Financial Council. His position was understood such that while he would continue his work on "Flora
Danica," his main
focus would shift to political economy and related tasks. His salary was set at 1200 rigsdaler, in
addition to the
honorarium for a secretary assigned to him.
In this capacity within the cabinet, Oeder remained until the end of May that year, a cabinet whose
seal Struensee soon
thereafter personally took over.
Oeder's View of Struensee
During this period, Oeder worked closely with Struensee. At Struensee's request, he expressed his
opinions on many
matters. Often, he cautioned Struensee against hasty and excessive steps, and Struensee was more
lenient towards him
than towards many others, whom he had less reason to trust.
"This man," says Oeder in his manuscript, "this man whom the king had placed before me and many
others, so that I could
give him good advice to the best of my ability, which was my duty towards the king. This man who did
me no harm but only
good, I should not repay good with evil, but instead do my utmost to guard him against evil, that
was my duty towards
him. In general: there are those who find it difficult to reconcile that a person fundamentally does
not need to be evil
just because he fails in some areas (just as certain people possessing good qualities cannot always
be considered
completely good), therefore I say: let such moral guardians judge as they please. I, for one, can
testify in no other
way than that Struensee's behavior towards me has always been such that I do not regret my
acquaintance with him. He
certainly promoted me, but never did he expect anything from me that would contradict the duties of
an honest man.
Therefore, I have every reason to believe that, with regard to me, he viewed nothing other than his
conviction of my
usefulness. Hence, I can only lament for the unfortunate man that he has embarked on a path of vice
that has led him to
ruin."
From the outset, Oeder's intention was never to let his acquaintance with Struensee go beyond the
boundaries of work,
never to allow any familiarity to develop. This resolution remained true to him.
Plan for a General Widow's Fund
One of Oeder's most significant tasks was to develop a plan for a general widow's fund.
"If I have not otherwise," he states, "earned merit from king and country, I have indisputably and
significantly earned
it in what I have contributed here. Undoubtedly, I am the first to have shed light on this area in
Denmark, despite
various attempts at widow's funds in the past. I have uncovered the errors committed in the military
widow's fund
established in 1739 – unappreciated by the Generalitet and Commissariat College, who, in 1771 at
least, completely
lacked insight into this matter – and I have demonstrated that the king, who was made the guarantor
of the flawed
institution, faced a loss of eleven barrels of gold with the already assumed obligations, and that
continuing the
institution on the same basis would lead to boundless risk.
"I have devised a plan for a better widow's fund based on an improved Calenberg calculation method.
In my quest to
thoroughly investigate the matter, I have worked on many related subjects to the exhaustion of body
and soul – without
ever receiving thanks for it.
(Note: This refers to the writing 'Raisonnemens über Wittwenkassen', to which 'Zusätze' were also
added.)
The Finance College is established on May 29, 1771. Its functions.
"On that same morning," writes Oeder, "when this cabinet order to establish this college was issued,
I can, by God,
attest that I had spoken with Struensee, but I had no prior knowledge of Count von Holstein's public
announcement of
this order to establish the college - I did not know that I myself would be a member thereof -
neither who the other
members would be, nor about the salary or placement."
When all is said and done, it is simultaneously true that the idea of this college, the separation
of the finance and
commerce colleges, the division of the old chamber into three chambers, the retention of their
mutual connection and
coherence with the finance college through a deputy leader of each chamber, all stem from me - but
not the connection
between the oversight of business life (which belongs to an Economic College) and the management of
the state's income -
nor the relocation from the chancelleries to the finance college of the many police tasks, through
which this college,
to my great sorrow, became overwhelmed with the collection of duties.
At the same time as I expressed my thoughts to Struensee, I assumed that I myself would remain in
contact with the
cabinet and would not enter further into connection with finances than was necessary above all for
my being able to
procure the knowledge and data, which were necessary for me in my work for the cabinet - these, I
should be able to
obtain at the source.
The king himself, I continue, had suggested the three deputies from the finance college, who each in
turn would be named
as head of the three new chambers, that they themselves should recommend, with which people the
positions in the
chambers would be filled. I was a little frightened over this, over the power, which was entrusted
to my hands, and I
initiated the management of my office with a sleepless night, upon which several similar ones were
to follow, and the
coming period contained only a few happy moments and especially many worried; but I also recall that
it concerned only
the circumstances in the finance college and regarding financial matters, not the hours that were
spent in the Norwegian
chamber, for there have I, like in the General-Country Committee, as I with entry into the finance
college needed to
abandon, worked with great pleasure.
It is, God be praised, succeeded for me to occupy this chamber with worthy men, without having
oppressed anyone, and to
work in exemplary unanimity with these valuable coworkers, so that I at my departure have been able
to take the
satisfaction with me that I have left a well-set up, with the Norwegian nation hold and with the
Copenhagen public well
appreciable college, and also for my own to have acquired the respect, that I have led this
important department without
blame and with decorum.
Struensee's Fall
January 17, 1772 marked the remarkable day that brought ruin to Struensee and many of his supporters
(the word
"Anhänger" here should perhaps be translated more as "associates" or "followers").
Oeder, who knew nothing about Struensee's arrest the previous night, arrived in the morning with
case files at
Struensee's residence, only to learn with shock from the guards what had transpired.
However, the realization that he had served the state and not Struensee soon reassured him. In fact,
Oeder initially
remained in his position as an untainted figure, whose patriotism and loyalty were guaranteed by
public acclaim.
An Investigative Commission was established regarding the changes in the Civil Service since
September 15, 1770.
Oeder boldly declared that the structure of the Finance College largely originated from him, citing
the reasons that had
motivated him to do so.
Relationship with Norway
"One can reject my plan," he writes, "but I allow no one to look down upon it. Let the critics be
well-grounded
economists, and let them present to me knowledge attainable through routine; still, I will say:
'Anche io sono pittore'
(I too am a painter. O.A.); and I undertake to be accountable for my plan, whether to master or
apprentice. I must make
a special note that for a long time, no step had been taken that suited the Norwegian nation better
than the
establishment of a special chamber for the treatment of this country's socio-economic conditions
(which are naturally as
different from the socio-economics of the other royal states as the entire economy of this country
is). It also created
satisfaction that this chamber was primarily filled with Norwegians.
Often and long enough, Norwegians have complained that Norway, which is voluntarily united with
Denmark, is treated as a
lowly province. Representatives from Norway are seldom utilized in the chamber, and not always based
on the best
selection."
Financial College reformed - Oeder resigns
However, his reasons no longer applied. The Financial College was to be restored to its former
state, and therefore
Oeder could not remain in his position.
He left the college even before the reform commission had completed its investigation. This occurred
on July 11, 1772.
Intermezzi on various "appointments"
Initially, he was appointed to the esteemed position of governor (stiftamtmand) in Bergen, with an
annual salary of 1500
dalers. However, he had personal reasons that led him to decline this position. By royal appointment
on July 13, 1772,
he was subsequently appointed as governor in Trondheim with the same salary, plus an additional 500
dalers for travel
and settlement.
Oeder was completely satisfied with this decision, even though he could not understand why he was
removed just before
the important implementation of the widow's pension scheme was to take place.
He requested and received permission for a trip to Germany before the transfer.
The reason for this journey was his wife's illness. She was the daughter of Councilor Ericius (from
Schleswig), and they
had been married since 1755. (The journey went to Bad Rheburg. O.A.)
Oeder's bypass and his expectations towards the new government
When he returned from his trip to Bad Rheburg in October 1772, crossing the Elbe, he read in an Altona
newspaper that
someone else had been appointed as governor of Trondheim instead of him. One can imagine the honest
man's distress, as
his absence had been exploited by his adversaries to remove him. Even these enemies feared his return to
Copenhagen and
therefore managed to obtain a summons against him, requiring him to stay in Schleswig or Holstein until
further notice
regarding another position.
However, Oeder, trusting in the justice of his cause, did not let himself be deterred. He hastened
directly to
Copenhagen and lodged a complaint in a private audience with Dowager Queen Juliana Marie about the
unworthy manner in
which, in his absence and without any justification, they had stripped him of his position and slandered
him before the
world. They excused themselves by claiming that circumstances had necessitated a change in the
governorship of
Trondheim, as rumors of military movements in Sweden had made it necessary to appoint a military person
in that border
region.
Hertug Ferdinand of Brunswick intervenes
During all of this turmoil, Oeder, through his brother who was a chamber councilor and court
councilor
in Brunswick,
reached out to Duke Ferdinand, who was the brother of the Dowager Queen Juliana Marie, seeking his
recommendation and
support. To make the injustice done to him evident, he presented the duke with a memorandum
detailing
the sequence of
events that had led him from botany to state affairs. The duke forwarded this memorandum to
Certainly, Oeder could not be easily trampled upon now, but his opponents were all the more determined
Copenhagen,
and such a valid
recommendation had a favorable effect for the aggrieved Oeder. However, it also had an opposite
effect
among those who
opposed the path Oeder had taken to bring the matter to the right place, which was as unexpected as
it
was disagreeable
to them.
to work for his
removal.
The first thing that happened was that he received a resolution stating that he could expect a
governorship position in
Holstein, equivalent to the Trondheim position. With this assurance, Oeder left Copenhagen in June 1773.
However, his removal from the capital alone was not enough for his enemies. A man as active as Oeder,
who always had the
courage to hold his head high, was a dangerous man to them, no matter where he was in the realm. What
could they wish
for better than the upcoming exchange of territories with the counties of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst?
District magistrate in Oldenburg
At the end of the year 1773, Oeder was appointed as the landfoged (district magistrate) in
Oldenburg. Although this
position as landfoged was considered equivalent to the promised governorship in Holstein in terms of
income—since the
landfoged position in Oldenburg yielded about 2000 daler annually—the prestige of the position was
not comparable.
The present duchy (in 1793) has four "land courts," where civil cases are only decided in the first
instance, while
criminal cases are handled from accusation to conviction. Each court consists of a landfoged and one
or more assessors
and secretaries. The land court in Oldenburg was the only one without assessors. Therefore, the
landfoged in Oldenburg
was the sole judge responsible for judicial proceedings in the eight district courts under his
jurisdiction.
Oeder, who was not informed of all this, now wrote to Oldenburg to understand the responsibilities
of such a landfoged
position and whether he could manage it with the light of reason. His friend's response was that he
must admit it would
likely be necessary to supplement it with the "little lamp of justice" as prescribed.
In the meantime, surrounded by enemies who only sought to embitter his existence in Denmark, Oeder
fled, weary of the
struggle but reasonably confident in his genius, to the haven assigned to him.
Sturz, whom he had known in Copenhagen, arrived safely with him after the great shipwreck. He was
appointed as a
councillor to the government in Oldenburg. Thus, this city came to "own" two men, each capable of
bringing honor to any
country. They both received a reception here that their recognized merits justified.
The early days in Oldenburg
However, Oeder's situation upon his arrival in Oldenburg was, in many respects, lamentable. For
twenty years of his
life, botany and related sciences had been his main focus. With great effort, after reaching the age
of forty, he had
immersed himself completely in political economy, finance, and the political art of calculation. His
understanding of
diverse subjects had been refined, and his mind was filled with great, socially beneficial ideas.
Love for his
profession had animated him, and the prospect of being fully useful to the country where he had
devoted his best
efforts—the land that had become his second homeland for the remainder of his life—had been his
proud desire. Through
his efforts, peasant freedom had been prepared, the opening of the Norwegian-Icelandic trade had
been prepared, and
through his efforts, a new general widow's fund had been prepared. All this was accomplished, and
accomplished with his
assistance, his efforts, his vigilance—everything for the welfare of the state—it was his proud
reward, the only genuine
reward that calls every diligent civil servant.
Suddenly, the longstanding ties that bound him to Denmark were broken. He saw the consciousness of
victory, the mocking
attitude of his enemies, and he had to endure the offense of one of his most prominent opponents,
whom his efforts for
the peasants had displeased. Upon parting with ministerial-aristocratic impudence, he had said to
his face: "- he has
been a harmful man to Denmark!" (Sch.. R... - von Halems' discreet letters cover: Joachim Otto
Schack-Rathlou, who in
1788 left his prime minister post in anger when the corvee was lifted.)
He saw his projects neglected or carried out by others, and in his 46th year, he had to see himself
- not only under
another prince's rule but also move to an entirely different branch of science, where he had to be
an apprentice again.
In addition to this, his wife's persistent illness; she had been left in Schleswig (probably the
duchy, not the city of
Schleswig, OA) and her hypochondria was steadily increasing. Every mail brought him new and
disturbing reports about her
condition.
Von Halems' personal acquaintance with Oeder begins
In those trying moments, I came to know Oeder. He became my housemate. Talkative as he was - and
with a need to
communicate precisely then - he completely opened his heart to me, and I was at least not an
indifferent listener to his
complaints. Usually, we had dinner alone together, and our conversations often continued far into
the night.
If I had had a greater appreciation at the time for what he told me, my biography would now be more
interesting. But I
was a young man of barely 22 years, who had just left legal studies and had merely cast an ordinary
glance at the Rhine
and across the Belt - I forgot as soon as I had heard. Uninitiated as I was in the secrets of
political science and the
political art of calculation, the rays of light that seeped into my soul perhaps only strengthened
the darkness of my
fundamental concepts. Even then, the serious Themis (the goddess of justice, OA) strongly occupied
my mind, and this
connected me even more strongly with Oeder.
He would often joke about his new position and his unfamiliarity with law. "I must count myself
lucky," he said with a
smile, "that they haven't made me a bishop!" His first words to me were, "Do they not have somewhere
a kind of 'legal
funnel' through which I can quickly gain knowledge of case files?"
Indeed, I did not have such a thing, but I advised him as best I could.
Visit to his wife in 1774
In the summer of 1774, when he was absent for several months to fetch his sick wife, I alone managed
the judiciary with
the lord's permission, and from the year 1775, I was appointed as an assessor upon application.
Thus, I worked with him in full agreement for six years and rejoiced in the trust he placed in me.
He never wanted to become a jurist - and he never did. Even his choice of legal literature was
characteristic, as he
preferred buying and reading drafts of new legal books rather than works on existing law. His
natural,
exercise-sharpened sense of justice and injustice almost always allowed him to judge the cases
correctly. Occasionally,
I would add a little oil to "the lamp of established law" when it threatened to go out, but I did so
discreetly, so that
he still regarded the clear light as a result of the light of reason. And thus, as they say, we got
along excellently
with each other.
(Note: His wife did not return with Oeder to Oldenburg).
Memorandum for Later Historians
Denmark and its affairs continued to weigh heavily on his mind. Among his papers, I find the
beginning of an essay that
he started in the year 1774 but never completed. It was intended to be a memorandum from his own
time for the use of
future historians.
He wanted to lay down the most important thoughts he had conceived for Denmark's welfare, and his
motto was a sentence
from Cicero:
"Bono viro non minori curae esse debet, qualis respublica post mortem futura, quam qualis sit, dum
vivit." (A good man
should be no less concerned about the state that will exist after his death, than about the state as
it exists while he
lives).
Although it remained at a sparse beginning, the following excerpt from it would hardly be unwelcome:
"The events during the reign of Christian VII crowded in such great number and so rapidly, partly
quite fleeting, yet
not without influence and consequences; by nature they were also so peculiar and unusual that
historians in a somewhat
distant future will have ample difficulty in not losing sight of these events, in arranging them
correctly, and
reporting them impartially. That this must happen is - first and foremost for Denmark - but also to
be desired for all
humanity.
For this period of governance is unusually instructive. For Denmark, it is both instructive and
important, because the
period - regardless of the consequences that may arise regarding the royal family - is a fermenting
time for the nation,
and attentive descendants will be able to trace many of its foundations to this era. For humanity,
the time will be
instructive - even if it should have no noticeable influence on world events - because it shows what
a weak government
and extravagant living entail."
Characterization of Bernstorff and Moltke
"In the time of Frederick V, thoughts began to turn towards improvements in agriculture. This good king,
with the best
heart ever to grace a throne, desired all that was good, and his two most trusted ministers, Bernstorff
and Moltke,
sought to glorify their lord's peace-loving reign and their own ministerial office by promoting the
country's internal
happiness through the spread of art and science, and by fostering the subjects' industrious spirit in
all areas—an
admirable intention that can excuse various, possibly mistaken measures."
"Bernstorff's mindset was of an unrestricted noble nature, and he sought the good in full measure. He
could err in
certain areas, but it was not self-interest that caused these errors."
"I could not absolve Moltke from such errors. And who could expect exemplary selflessness from a
favorite who had the
fortune to raise a large family? Furthermore, he was not accustomed to thinking in systematic and
strategic terms, nor
to acting with the decisive strength that marks one determined to carry out a well-considered plan
despite objections
and obstacles. On the contrary, Moltke was susceptible to later objections and impulses that arose when
it came time for
execution and action, and he was easily swayed from his plans. And how many objections, excuses, advice
for and against
was he not exposed to from property owners among the nobility, both within and outside the ministry,
including
suggestions from stewards and lessees who were in favor with the nobility, often far removed from their
estates!"
"Undoubtedly (for he was not evil, but perhaps weak), undoubtedly he meant well for the king and the
country, surely
also for the peasants as fellow human beings; and surely those who accused him of seeming to strive for
the king's good
intentions towards the peasantry, but in reality creating obstacles to these good intentions, both
intentionally and
craftily, not far from hypocrisy—this has at least been publicly disclosed in a writing containing
anonymous letters,
reportedly translated from English."
"But it is certain and true that Moltke was always, and not without anxiety, concerned that the zeal for
the welfare of
the peasantry would go too far, and that the improvement of their condition to too great an extent would
come at the
expense of the landowners. This fear arose from, or was supported by, the fact that as a busy courtier,
he did not know
the situation and conditions of the peasants from sources other than his stewards' and lessees'
pretenses, which pointed
out that various presumed friends and advocates of the peasantry partly demanded too much altogether,
partly too much at
once, without reasonable consideration of the country's situation, the circumstances of the time, and
the harm of sudden
changes. There was a lack of sufficient evaluation of the ministry's wavering opinions, as felt by the
public—a
evaluation that would have shown what the advancement of agriculture truly was, what the intention was,
and which paths
should be taken to achieve the goal."
Oeder's perception of "providence":
In particular, the beginning of these memoirs is permeated with gratitude towards providence. "It
has led me to a place
where I was encouraged to implement my fundamental principles. It has granted me influence, albeit
for a short time. It
has allowed me to act at such a time and under such circumstances that even for the most upright
person might be
considered unacceptable, and it has graciously preserved my unblemished reputation, not only from
being involved in
reprehensible connections, but also from the consequences of storms that can strike even the most
innocent. Finally,
providence has completely freed me from resentment and enmity from those who hate me because of my
beliefs and way of
thinking, without my giving personal cause for it, - and it has provided me a sanctuary in peace and
tranquility under
the rule of another sovereign."
But at the same time, he was imbued with a sense that he was called to further benefit this
sanctuary in service to the
Danish realm, to which he had dedicated the best half of his life.
Proposal to the New Danish Government - and Its Response
In this conviction, he wrote to Prince Frederick's then-favorite, Guldberg, and offered his service
in implementing the
project regarding the widow's fund, which he had now first developed (and reworked) after a changed
theory since 1773.
The minister replied to him in April 1774: "that the king did not feel moved to avail himself of the
insights of an
official who served a foreign prince for his own internal state affairs, and that the king believed
it would be unfair
to his own subjects, who were capable of both investigating and executing such a project, should it
be found advisable
to carry it out."
In reality, in Copenhagen, they now convinced themselves of what in the years 1771, 1772, 1773 was
not admitted without
great and stubborn resistance to Oeder. The organization of the military widow's fund, which had
existed since 1739 and
had been expanded to include other estates, was now considered useless, and at the end of 1775, a
new general widow's
fund was established.
Establishment of Widow's Funds - in Germany
Oeder, filled with his new theory, now brought ideas in 1776 to a larger audience (in Museum 1776).
He analyzed the
widow's funds of Copenhagen, Calenberg, and Bremen. He admitted that it was a questionable
circumstance that the
institution of widow's funds was still too young to be judged based on experience. However, he
pointed out where his
theory diverged from others, wishing that every state with a population base of approximately
100,000 people would
establish its own institution, thereby preventing its residents from seeking refuge in foreign
institutions.
He soon had the pleasure of seeing his ideas put into practice, as Hamburg established a general
maintenance institution
based on his proposal.
Meanwhile, with the help of a few hundred randomly selected individuals from the total number, he
conducted a trial by
which he determined the adequacy of his previously used tables. He became convinced that the
contribution (premium)
previously considered sufficient for a pension was inadequate.
He openly published this discovery not only to the leaders of the Hamburg maintenance institution
but also to a broader
audience, and he now calculated other tables using a method described in Museum.
For Bremen's widow's fund, he also predicted its future ("horoscope"). People knowledgeable about
the matter agreed with
him and realized that, to prevent future widows from being deceived, pensions needed to be reduced
by 40 percent.
(Museum 1779).
The Oldenburg state government was wise enough to recognize Oeder's talent, which tirelessly sought
to expand beyond the
designated legal sphere and utilize it for the benefit of the state. Therefore, he was tasked with
proposing a plan for
a widow's fund for the Duchy of Oldenburg and the Bishopric of Lübeck. He executed this in
collaboration with the
Oldenburg Chamber Director, Chamberlain von Hendorf, who had demonstrated his expertise with a
report he had prepared on
Bremen's widow's fund. By the end of 1779, the "Fund for Widows and Orphans" was established, with
Oeder, Chamberlain
von Hendorf, and the then-mayor, Justice Councillor Arens, overseeing it. (Ordinance issued in
Eutin, November 1, 1779).
The tables attached to this ordinance were calculated using the method described in Museum in a
manner easily
understandable to all. They were based on Süssmilch's mortality table, and the interest rate was set
at two percent
semi-annually. The tables were designed for both capital and premium-based payments (i.e., premium
basis O.A.).
Each participant had the choice of using either payment method for the pension they desired, or
paying a certain portion
of the pension with a lump sum and the rest with premiums over time. The pension was calculated in
portions for every
ten rigsdalers of annual pension. A woman who earned the right to enjoy the pension would receive it
for life,
regardless of remarriage. However, the man acquiring ("drawing") the pension could decide that the
pension would benefit
the children he fathered with his wife if she remarried - but only as long as the mother was alive.
This is a point where this particular form differs from the usual procedure. The calculation cannot
be otherwise
provided that a wife who outlives her husband receives the pension for her remaining lifetime. If
the advantage of
taking the pension could be included in the calculation, then this advantage should benefit all
those insured and be
used for a general reduction in pension costs (capital/premium). According to Oeder, this is not
possible, and the
pension institution, which has had its members pay the full price, has no right to this advantage;
consequently, the
pension must be paid in full for the mother's lifetime or to the children of the acquirer.
The institution can be used by all subjects, albeit not by foreigners. The kingdom's officials,
however, are committed
to joining the arrangement in relation to their office’s remuneration; they have the freedom to
exceed the prescribed
pension amount, but the sum for the annual pension cannot exceed 500 rigsdalers.
The ruler, from whom no more widow's pensions can be expected, allocates the institution with 500
rigsdalers annually,
from which the administrative costs can be covered, which also benefits the employees as a reduction
in their workload,
which should be: every eighteenth pfennig (= approx. 5 1/2%).
The institution's capital should be invested by citizens in secure rural properties. The ruler
guarantees the
institution, and any financial misbehavior should be excluded. No participant should complain about
the cost when
considering - as far as an ordinary human understanding allows - what is the nature of such an
institution, and what it
can do with deceptive ideas of being able to buy significant benefits for little payment.
Also, after experiences based on deceased married couples in this country, investigations were
conducted and found that
widow's funds could not be driven more cheaply for people who are subject to the natural laws
identified by Süssmilch.
This is the spirit of an institution, which has now proven to be solid after an existence of
thirteen years.
Oeder has left a lasting memory not only in this country but also - as the first to shed light on
this important matter
- he has deserved the whole world.
But it is not the only memory he left in the Duchy of Oldenburg.
Land survey of Oldenburg- Caspar Wessel
Under Oeder's direction and oversight, a survey was conducted from 1782 to 1785 throughout the Duchy of
Oldenburg,
carried out by the loaned Royal Danish surveyor, Caspar Wessel.
Similar to the Danish survey, this measurement was based on connected trigonometric and astronomical
observations. The
survey extended not only across both banks and the mouth of the Weser River but also the chain of
triangles was extended
further in accordance with the neighboring governments' agreements, all the way to the land's end at
Ritzebüttel, and
from there along the Elbe River to Freiburg and Hammelwörder, and further to Glückstadt. Here, the
Danish triangle chain
joined hands with the Oldenburg territory. Places crucial for navigation, such as the mouths of the Elbe
and Weser
rivers—gateways to Germany—had their precise locations determined through this meticulous surveying
effort.
Plan for the entire geographical science of Germany
Oeder also had significant and far-reaching ideas in this field, as he did in botany.
"If," he remarked, "if this example given by our ruler, and in my opinion for the first time in
Germany, inspires
emulation, and if several chains of triangles are established extending from existing chains at
locations equipped with
well-equipped and well-serviced observatories — for example, from Berlin to Holsten in connection
with the Danish
triangulation system; from Göttingen to the Oldenburg border in connection with the Oldenburg
triangulation system; from
Göttingen to Mannheim, and so on — then a desire expressed by many eminent mathematicians would be
fulfilled, and the
best foundation laid for Germany's geography."
After the trigonometric network was laid out through Wessel's work, the surveyors' work for its
further completion
began, a task Oeder did not live to witness.
Given the difficulty of his plan in terms of scale, he sought to achieve it through "intensity". The
survey itself was
to be conducted in unprecedented detail, integrating land-economic considerations. Consequently, if
additional workers
had not been employed, the entire project would have taken many years to complete, during which time
changes might have
necessitated renewal of the effort.
Following Oeder's death, the plan has been somewhat restricted, but it still honors his initiative.
In a few years, we
will possess an excellent, beautiful map of the Duchy of Oldenburg and its boundaries, testament to
his vision.
The period of Peasant Emancipation in Denmark 1786-1788
Despite his duties as a judge, Oeder's tireless energy never wavered from his concern for Denmark's
affairs, which
remained close to his heart until his final days.
It must have brought him immense joy when the topic of peasant freedom became prominent under the
auspices of the noble
Crown Prince, and when his principles, once scorned, now gained prominence. In accordance with these
principles, a
commission was established in Denmark to investigate the relations between landowners and peasants.
To contribute to a positive outcome as much as possible, he not only had his "Consideration" from
1769 reprinted with an
"Addendum," but he also supplemented the work with "Five Appendices," covering his observations on
the state of the
national militia in Denmark and a detailed examination of the existing relations between landowners
and peasants, which
were likely welcomed by the appointed commission.
However, the fact that there were still adversaries of the peasantry in Denmark was evident in a
publication from 1786,
where the author of the "Consideration" was unjustly attacked for his views—albeit on false and
fabricated grounds. The
public, however, rightly disregarded the slanderer even before a response was dignified with a
reply. (Note: Oeder's
"Appeal to the Danish Public" in the Neue Kieler Magazin. The pamphlet is also printed elsewhere. A
minor dispute also
occurred in 1781 with Professor Fabricius, who unfairly criticized Oeder in justifying the Danish
naturalization law.
See Oeder's "Criticism of Intrusiveness.")
The most significant vindication came with the commission's result, namely the Ordinance of June 20,
1788.
Here, it was recognized that King Frederick IV's noble intentions to improve the condition of
peasants had been
misinterpreted, primarily due to the organization of the rural militia. The improved institution
stated with confidence:
"The provision binding peasants to the estate shall cease entirely on January 1, 1800."
(Note: The text reads: "Das Land, welches die Bauern an die Güter bindet, soll vom 1sten Januar des
Jahres 1800 gänzlich
aufhören." The word "Land" must be a misreading or misprint for "Band," meaning "bond" or "tie.")
Invitation to return to Denmark
If Oeder had been younger, he might have considered returning to Denmark under the current
auspicious prospects that
were extended to him at that time.
However, this recognition of his merits and the acknowledgment of the injustices done to him
sweetened his final days—he
felt unwaveringly dedicated to the welfare of Denmark.
Not only did he comply with the wishes of those in the ministry by providing information and
explanations, but he also
continued his work through direct writings.
During this period, there was intense debate in Denmark about the new currency and banking measures
in Holstein. Here
too, Oeder was in his element, succinctly developing his ideas in various contributions on paper
money, banking,
currency, and coins, all aimed at these initiatives. He emphasized that the existence of a paper
banknote depended
entirely on the empirically confirmed conviction that each of its notes was as good as hard
currency: therefore,
everything relied on maintaining this delicate balance, influenced by public opinion.
Overall, he was not a supporter of these new measures. However, he was the only critic who, in his
assessments, not only
tore down but also simultaneously built up—not only highlighted what, in his opinion, should not
happen, but also
suggested how the matter could have been approached differently.
Paper money, mint etc.
The last treatise on paper money is also notable for its judgment on France.
"In recent times," he says, "a phenomenon of state appears before the eyes of the world, truly for
the second time in
the last century of that same state, which compulsively transforms over half of its national debt
into paper money,
issuing obligations on this debt without setting any definite time for their redemption, but all of
them are indefinite,
all of them are equally close to redemption - a state where paper money does not yet exist, where
people are not
accustomed to its use and circulation, but where this type of money is suddenly introduced, actually
forced upon the
recipients. Already in itself, this state's debt constitutes such an enormous mass that the
possibility of repayment is
difficult to comprehend; repayments must necessarily occur gradually, so that each part of the debt
is redeemed and paid
over time.
However, this state also possesses great resources, which, however, are difficult both to survey and
calculate. But
about the circulation of a quantity of obligations that may correspond to the entire sum of all gold
and silver existing
in the world, and all of which are equally close - or equally distant - from their redemption -
about such circulation I
cannot form any concept, and the idea of the confusion expected from it is, to say the least,
staggering to my
imagination.
For instance, I do not comprehend how metallic currency will be able to compete against such an
immense quantity of
paper money, how a state, assuming it can dispense with metallic currency for domestic use, can
conduct foreign trade
without metallic money. How can it manage its political relations with the outside world without
metallic money?
For it remains a truth, at least I cannot disentangle myself from the old-fashioned belief, that
only "real" money (and
what is deemed therefore in its wrath), only real money is the "nervus rerum gerendarum" (the sinew
of affairs): Aside
from other concerns, one must not overlook the very possible and highly worrisome interference of
counterfeit paper
money in the immense volume of paper claims, nor the cautionary principle "that which human hands
produce, human hands
can imitate."
Anti-counterfeiting of banknotes
According to this true principle, it follows that a complete prevention of banknote counterfeiting
is impossible. The
utmost possible difficulty in imitation and counterfeiting is therefore the only goal that can be
pursued.
Oeder also made this the subject of his active contemplation, and he found a remedy. Naturally, it
is only secure as
long as there is a secret held by the government. The papers concerning this matter, about which
Oeder was already
negotiating with some governments in the last years of his life, were sealed immediately after his
death, awaiting the
ruler's decision on whether he finds Oeder's thoughts on such an important matter to be so valuable
that they should not
be lost.
Oeder wrote the treatise on paper money on October 30, 1790, and it is the last thing he wrote for
the public on this
subject.
Oeder's illness and death
Oeder had been experiencing mild cases of gout for several years, which he dismissed as
insignificant. However, more
concerning were sudden spells of dizziness in his last year. Both afflictions converged against his
otherwise robust
constitution, and he succumbed after an illness lasting nearly six weeks, passing away on January
28, 1771.
Even during his illness, his mental faculties did not abandon him, and his thoughts on paper money,
which he delved into
while bedridden, preoccupied him deeply at that time.
He would have preferred to stay with his family, among whom he found great happiness. With Christian
devotion, he faced
his transformation, blessed his children fatherly, who surrounded him, and passed away.
Wiedewelt's Tomb - Its Inscriptions
His earthly remains rest under linden trees in the cemetery outside the town. Wiedewelt's chisel is currently engaged in creating a monument from Nordic marble, which will honor the memory of the deceased among us and bear the following inscription:
(Front:)
"Hier ruhet
Georg Christian von Oeder
Stiftamtmann und Landvogt
-
Er war geboren 1728, d. 5. Febr.
Er stab 1791, d. 28. Jan.
-
Seine Werke
folgen ihm nach
-
Dem geliebten Gatten
setzte dies Denkmal
die tief gerühte Wittwe
Cathr. Gertr. v. Oeder geb, Mattheissen"
Translation:
Here rests
Georg Christian von Oeder
District Governor and Bailiff
He was born on February 5, 1728
He died on January 28, 1791
His work is his equal
This monument was erected for the beloved
husband by the deeply moved widow
Cathr. Gertr. v. Oeder, née Mattheissen
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(Back:)
"Daniens
Blumen und Kräuter
Sammelt´und flocht er zum dauerneden Kranz
-
Sichre Pflege
danken die Wittwe
Ihm
-
Ihn segnet der Dänische Landmann
welchem sein kühner Ruf
erster Bote der Freyheit ward"
Translation:
Denmark's
flowers and herbs
he gathered and wove into an enduring wreath
The widow thanks him
for his unwavering care
The Danish farmer blesses him
for whom his courageous demands
became the first message of freedom.
On Marriage and Children
Oeder left behind a widow and three children, a daughter and two sons. His first wife, née Ericius,
died at the
beginning of 1776, and at the end of the same year, he married the eldest daughter of the late Royal
Danish Justice
Councilor Conrad Mattheissen in Altona. She survived him. This second marriage, which soon was
blessed with children,
became a source of purest domestic joys for him.
It is quite rare to find an example like his, being both a good husband and a good father,
especially considering he was
a man overwhelmed with work, a man for whom both reading and writing held great allure, and who—dare
I say—anxiously
cared for his reputation as a scholar. It was a beautiful sight to see him with his late-born
children on his lap, to
observe how he clung to them with tears of joy in his eyes and felt happiness because of them.
It was likely this love for his children that moved him to abandon his prejudices and, a few years
before his death,
acquire a patent of nobility, which he certainly did not need. More than this patent, the father's
merits will spur the
sons to imitation, and the state, surely without regard to the patent, will recognize these merits
through his sons.
(Note: In Denmark, as well as in Ansbach, they have been granted citizenship rights.)
Oeder's Person and Personality
Oeder was a man of medium, almost small stature.
His gaze revealed the thinker. His entire physical demeanor expressed his rare intellectual drive.
The simple account of
his life characterizes his spiritual life.
Better and more truthfully than I can, he describes himself in his surviving manuscripts:
"From the beginning," he says, "I had an inclination towards political-economic considerations.
After some practice in
these matters, with a steadily increasing accumulation of knowledge and experience, with a
perception of calculations
and systems refined by mathematics and natural history, with much love for work, with a certain
talent, a certain degree
of patience, and a certain knack—if I may call it that—for untangling complicated matters, with the
ability to present
thoughts (strengthened through practice), with an unyielding love for truth and independence from
prejudices, I dare
attribute to myself a certain competence in finances and other areas of social economy."
He was born to initiate a matter he was interested in, to bring out a new aspect of it, to devise a
new plan and ensure
its implementation. In the execution itself, he could then suffice with moderate and guiding
collegial advice on the
matter, which would often be to its advantage.
The issue that occupied him filled his whole soul and did not let him rest until he saw it grow into
reality. This
mindset could certainly promote one-sidedness; everything would be swept along in the maelstrom of
this particular
matter; it excluded all thoughts that might be closer to others. But it is precisely such an
attitude that overcomes
obstacles which less engaged people would consider insurmountable.
However, this attitude did not make him insensitive to the joys of social life. He greatly enjoyed
humor and could be
extraordinarily jovial and cheerful.
If he was caught by a playful thought, he would nurture and repeat it with heartfelt pleasure.
Musäus' writings
delighted him particularly. Each new part of his folk tales brought him a new joy, until he reached
the part where the
mocker Musäus, because of a half-forgotten ghost story, called the late chamber councilor Oeder in
Braunschweig a
"spiritual seer."
Then Oeder's brotherly love awoke. He wrote to Musäus about it, and this kind man respected Oeder's
sensitivity because
of its origin. "I can neither defend nor excuse the offensive passage, which must have escaped me at
a moment when the
muse did not cast me a friendly glance," he wrote, "Now it depends on providing compensation for the
incurred guilt, as
far as I can." He offered a public retraction (palinode) in a public journal (Gothaer Zeitung) and
in a subsequent part
of the folk tales, which was done with Oeder's approval. Oeder thereby felt he had dispelled the
shadows over his
deceased brother, and his resentment towards Musäus turned into greater respect and love for him
because he had made
this sacrifice for him.
In friendship, they can now walk hand in hand in Elysium and smile over their dispute here on earth.
I will conclude this biography with Oeder's own words, which he used about himself in his continuous
memoirs:
"I can entertain the thought that for a man it must be the most pleasant and satisfying thing, when
one has felt the
value of life and existence: that one has not existed without benefit!"
There are probably only a few who, with the same truth as Oeder, could say such a thing about
themselves.
No, you have not lived in vain—you, who have gone to eternity! Your merits will shine still in
coming centuries, and
your late descendants will bless your memory.
H. S. E. (HIC SITUS EST)
"GEORG CHRISTIAN OEDER
SCIENTIA HISTORIAE NATURALIS
CLARUS
REIPUBLICAE ADMINISTRANDAE
CLARIOR
LIBERTATIS RUSTICORUM
STRENUUS VINDEX ASSERTORQUE
INTER PRIMOS PEREGRIMUS
LICET
MENTE ANIMAQUE TAMEN
DANUS NORVAGUS
AMICA DESIDERATISSIMO POSUIT"
P. F.Suhm
Translation of P. F. Suhm's Eulogy:
Famous
for natural history knowledge
more famous
for the management of state affairs
active in the liberation of the peasants
their defender and protector
among the country's foremost - though a foreigner
he can, however - in mindset and spirit
be described as an extremely devoted
friend of all things Danish and Norwegian.
"Weilet gedankenvoll bey der Gruft des Denkers,
und lernet
Vom thatreichen Verdienst, welches sich
selber belohnt.
Blumen streuet auf's Grab des Blumenkundigen !
Ihm gleich
Gattet Freunde mit Ernst, Eifer mit forschen-
der ruh."
F. L. Graf z. Stolberg
Translation of Fr. Leop. Stolberg's Poem:
Dwell in thought by the thinker's grave
and learn,
that a life of deeds will carry its reward
in itself.
Now adorn the grave with flowers, where the connoisseur rests,
follow him in this:
Combine joy with seriousness, zeal with
tranquil calm.
F. L. Graf z. Stolberg
Den 28sten jan. 1791
Klagt ihr Edeln alle !
Der edelsten einer scheid.
Flora,
du, deren Kinder er sammelte in kalten Norden,
streuen Blumen auf's Grab
deines geweihten.
Du verkauntets den Redlichen
o Dania,
trugst noch die Wahrheit nicht,
der unabweilich er huldigte:
aber dein Landmand
segnet ewig die Asche des Mannes,
dessen eifernder Ruf
ihm Freyheit bereitet' und Eigenthum.
Dem Weisen
öffenete gern Oldenburg seine Arme,
und dem neuen Vaterland
lebt' er nicht umsonst.
Wittwen
später Zeiten
wenn ihr ungedrückt von Mangel
euer Leben lebet,
denkt, es war er,
der auf der Sterblichkeit ewigen Gesetzen
unerschütterlich euer Wohl baute.
Er starb,
das Muster ratloser Thätigkeit.
Nur Ein Gedank
füllte seine Seele
bis vollendet die That stand.
Heil dem Manne,
dem solchen Thaten
folgen in's ernste Gericht !
Schon hier begann sein Lohn,
der schönste,
den seine Liben
Gott aubewahrt:
Treuer Gattin Zärtlichkeit und innige Vaterfreude
war seiner Tage Abendroth.
-
Friede dem Entschlafnen !"
v. H.
Translation of Gerhard Anton von Halem's Poem:
At Oeder's Grave
January 28, 1791
Lament, all you noble ones!
The noblest has departed.
Flora,
you, whose children he gathered in the cold north,
strew flowers upon
the consecrated grave.
You turned your back on the righteous one,
oh Denmark,
could not endure the truth
which he unwaveringly proclaimed.
But your peasant
eternally blesses this man's ashes,
whose energetic demands
prepared him freedom and property.
For the wise one
Oldenburg opened its arms,
and for his new homeland
he did not live in vain.
Widows
in later times,
when you live your lives
without the pressure of debts,
remember that it was he,
who, on the eternal laws of mortality,
built your undisturbed well-being.
He died,
a model of restless activity
only one thought
filled his soul,
until the deed was accomplished:
Fortunate is the man
whom such deeds
follow on the way to the final judgment.
Already here his reward began,
the most beautiful
that God bestows
on his beloved:
A faithful wife's care and heartfelt paternal joy
were his life's twilight.
-
Peace be with the one who has fallen asleep!
v. H.